The Philosophy of History and Sociology in Augustine of Hippo
As Christianity spread from the East to the West of the Roman Empire, Western provinces saw writers working to shape a Christian worldview. These Western Church Fathers contributed to what is known as Latin Patristics from the 1st to the 5th centuries. The center of Christian philosophy in the Latin West became the African church. A prominent figure in its history is Aurelius Augustine of Hippo (354—430), Bishop of Hippo Regius, who left a substantial literary legacy.
Augustine can be said to have laid the foundations of Christian socio-historical thought in a manner akin to how the Cappadocian Fathers established the fundamentals of Christian ontology, epistemology, and anthropology. His philosophical-historical and futurist teachings, which also encompass elements of his ethical and social views, are articulated in one of his most famous works, "The City of God" ("De Civitate Dei"). The content, themes, and ideological orientation of this work are linked to its response to a momentous event in the eyes of people at the time—the sack of Rome by the Visigoths under Alaric in 410. The public opinion of the time began to blame Christians for the disaster. As Augustine himself notes, many accused “Christ for the calamities that befell their city” (I, 1). Thus, Augustine’s work is predominantly polemical and apologetic, addressing pagan religion and culture while defending Christianity. Augustine sets out to counter those who attribute the fall of the Roman state to his religion, which forbids sacrifices to pagan gods (I, 36). Consequently, the book does not focus solely on a systematic exposition of Christian sociology and political theory as its title might suggest. The theme of the City of God appears as interspersed elements within a larger body of religious and cultural material.
Nevertheless, Augustine's work is infused with an examination of the general issue of humanity’s future, both in its pagan and Christian aspects. This inquiry is driven by the historical event in question and the attacks on Christianity it provoked. Augustine presents the status of the Christian community and the church in the present and develops a doctrine about their anticipated future: “In this work, I aimed to defend the City of God... as it wanders among the ungodly... and also in that eternal life which it now ’awaits in patience’” (I, Preface).
It is worth noting that long before Augustine, apologists had already discussed Christians as a distinct people within pagan society. Tertullian sharply contrasted the two communities and cultures—the Christian and the pagan—describing them as opposing camps: the camp of Christ and the camp of the devil. Augustine continued this apologetic tradition, perhaps less combatively than Tertullian, by discussing the opposition between two communities, states, or cities, one represented historically and culturally by Rome, the pagan society and state, and the other by the Christian community and church.
The fundamental difference between these two cities lies clearly in the realm of religion: “The earthly city has associated many gods with the human world. The heavenly city, however, knows that only the one God should be worshipped. It could not share religious laws with the earthly city” (XIX, 17). This implies that the essence of each city is religious-moral, as reflected in another of Augustine’s statements: “There have always existed only two types of human community, which we... can call two cities” (XIV, 1). The essence of each city is manifested both in its way of life and in its ultimate destiny.
The religious characteristic of the earthly city is its worship of false gods: “The citizens of the earthly city prefer their gods... not knowing that... there is only one God” (XI, 1). Morally, the earthly city is characterized by its pursuit of earthly goods and consists of people who wish to live according to the flesh alone (XIV, 1; 4). Augustine gives a disparaging definition of the earthly city: “A society of the ungodly, living not according to God, but according to man” (XIV, 9). This represents the fundamental vice of the earthly city’s inhabitants, for “living according to man” means living for oneself and becoming like the devil, who “wanted to live for himself when he did not hold to the truth” (XIV, 3). This leads to egoism, as the earthly city is created “by love of self, extending even to contempt for God” (XIV, 28). Augustine uses Rome as an example of such an immoral and corrupt earthly city, stating: “Their [the Romans’] republic, due to luxury and greed, and vile morals... became the most corrupt and depraved” (II, 19).
In addition to its religious-moral characteristics, Augustine examines the earthly city from a socio-political perspective, which is marked by “the lust for domination.” Augustine’s analysis of the state’s passion for domination is particularly intriguing and even contemporary from a historical-political viewpoint. The earthly city, he writes, “seeking dominion, is itself under the power of this passion to dominate” (I, Preface). For instance, he characterizes the Assyrian Empire as follows: “To attack the neighboring peoples, conquer them, and then proceed to conquer harmless nations solely out of a desire for power—how can this be called anything other than the greatest robbery?” (IV, 6).
It all starts with the absence of justice in the earthly city-state: “The city of the ungodly, which is not subject to God... is alien to true justice” (XIX, 24). Rome is once again cited as an example, as it “was never a republic, for there was never justice there” (II, 21). Augustine makes a strikingly modern statement on this issue: “If a republic is a matter of the people, but there is no people if it is not united by agreement in law; and there is no law where there is no justice, it follows that where there is no justice, there is no republic” (XIX, 21). Based on this, Augustine famously remarks about the essence of the state: “Without justice, what are states but great bandit groups?” (IV, 4). In his view, bandit groups are states in miniature. When such a group grows large enough to conquer territories, cities, and subjugate peoples, it openly assumes the name of a state.
Finally, Augustine provides a philosophical and ontological characterization of the earthly city. It is a “physical” entity, existing in the present and finite in its being. Augustine writes that the earthly city will not be eternal and is destined for eternal punishment (XV, 4).
Now, let us turn to the distinctive features and essence of the City of God. Augustine derives its existence from the testimony of Scripture: “Glorious things are spoken of you, City of God!” (XI, 1). The ontological status of the City of God is entirely different from that of the earthly city. It is a “metaphysical” entity: “That city is eternal. In it, no one is born, because no one dies” (V, 16). It represents the future dwelling place of humanity and is thus called heavenly. For now, in the present, Augustine writes, we only sigh for its beauty and fervently desire to be its citizens.
Thus, in the present, on earth, there exists only a sign or prefiguration of the heavenly city, which sojourns on earth in the form of the Christian people (XVI, 41). Ultimately, the earthly city is divided into two parts, one representing its reality and the other serving as a prefiguration of the heavenly city, its shadow and prophetic image (XV, 2). Augustine finds prototypes and prefigurations of the City of God in the Old Testament. For example, Solomon, by his person and his construction of the temple and peaceful reign, prefigured our Lord Christ (XVII, 8).
The religious characteristic of the City of God is the worship of the one true God and reverence for Him. This is the foundation of morality. Augustine writes that the citizens of the City of God live according to the Spirit rather than the flesh, meaning according to God rather than man. Their love for God reaches the point of contempt for themselves. The moral life of the heavenly city is characterized by the dominance of justice and truth. Augustine asserts that "true justice exists nowhere but in the republic whose Founder and Ruler is Christ." There, the sun of truth shines, and the common treasure will be the treasure of truth.
These are the primary features of the two cities. Next, we consider their histories. Generally speaking, history (historical science) takes us from the past to the present, and from the present to the future, culminating in futurology. Augustine, in our view, significantly intensifies this last aspect, creating a historical concept where the past and present are viewed through the lens of a future already known to him, finding its seeds everywhere. This is, of course, a teleological understanding of history. Additionally, Augustine develops a theological view of history, according to which "the power to bestow kingdoms and dominions should be attributed solely to the true God." This manifests in the arrangement of human kingdoms by divine providence, as the giver of all power, governing the beginning, course, and end of wars, etc.
Augustine formulates his plan for the exposition of the histories of the cities as follows: to speak "about their origins, progress, and ultimate fates"; "about the beginning, spread, and destined end of both cities." He traces the origins of the two cities to metaphysical realms—in the world of angels—and speaks of "the initial seeds of these two cities in the preceding division of the angels." The apostasy of some angels from God led to the formation of "two angelic societies... opposed to each other, one naturally good and righteous in will, the other naturally good but perverted in will." Based on this, Augustine concludes: "We have spoken of two different and opposing angelic societies that represent the seeds of the two cities within the human sphere as well."
Augustine also refers to the "famous pagan kingdoms" under the rule of fallen angels, which bestowed a particular splendor upon the earthly city, that is, the society of humans living according to man.
When man was created, the metaphysical basis of the two cities transforms into a natural, "anthropic" basis. Augustine writes that in considering the creation of man, "the origins of the two cities in relation to rational mortals become clear, just as they did in relation to the angels." The progenitor of both good and evil societies is the first man, who encompasses them within himself. Augustine notes: "In the first man, two societies began... as if two cities in human society. For from him were to come people, some to be joined for punishment to the society of evil angels, and others for reward to the society of the good."
Augustine then specifies this general statement with biblical history, starting with Adam, Eve, and their sons. Cain, born first, belonged to the earthly city, while Abel belonged to the City of God. Cain treacherously killed his brother. Thus, the founder of the earthly city foreshadowed the Jews, who killed Christ, prefigured by Abel. Augustine considers the fact that the founder of the earthly city was a fratricide as an archetypal story, for Rome, which was to lead the earthly city, was founded by Romulus, who killed his brother Remus.
After Abel's death, the distinguishing features of the two cities became more evident among the descendants of Cain and Seth. Ultimately, the two sons of Isaac represented the images of the two peoples—Jews and Christians.
With the narrative of Christ's birth and the emergence of Christians and the Church, Augustine shifts from biblical past to the present, from "prefigurations" of historical events and figures to the actual history of Christianity, in this "wicked age," "these miserable days when the Church achieves future greatness through present humiliation." Nevertheless, he defines the status of the Church in the perspective of the City of God’s history: "At present, the Church is the kingdom of Christ and the Kingdom of Heaven... Thus, the Church reigns with Christ for the first time in the world of the living and the dead." Thus, the history of the City of God on earth is brought to the present time.
At this time, the City of God is incorporated into the earthly city and awaits its realization. As Augustine puts it, the City of God, being part of the human race, now wanders in the city of the present age. The two cities are intertwined and mixed in the present age. The period of coexistence of these cities is one during which the dying pass away and the newly born take their place. "The union of husband and wife," writes Augustine, "represents a sort of seedbed for the city; but the earthly city requires only birth, while the heavenly city requires both birth and rebirth to be saved from the corruption of birth." Therefore, the part of the city destined to join the immortal angels is said not only to wander on earth but also to "rest in special dwellings and abodes of souls among the departed."
In this intertwining of the cities, the citizens of the heavenly city within the earthly one are distinguished by the grace given by God, which, rather than their merits, saves them from punishment for original sin and eternal death.
Moving from the present of the cities to their future and fate, the two cities, intertwined and mixed in the present age, will be separated at the final judgment. The notion of the final judgment is typically eschatological, as it will involve the burning and renewal of the world. After the cities are separated at the final judgment, each "will receive its end, which will have no end." The wicked will come to ultimate evil, and the good to ultimate good. The earthly city awaits eternal (second) death—supreme evil—while the City of God awaits eternal life—the highest good—which Augustine explains: "The first death expels the soul from the body against its will; the second death, against its will, will hold the soul in the body."
Finally, the City of God reaches its metaphysical state and transforms for Augustine into a religious, socio-anthropological utopia, an ideal state of humanity and society in the heavens. In this, now truly heavenly city, in the "blessedness of the City of God," all its citizens will be immortal. In it, we will be eternally immortal bodies. But our bodies will be spiritual, although with a fleshy substance, free from any fleshly corruption. In the spiritual body, even the eyes will be spiritual. They will see the incorporeal. People will see God in spirit, seeing Him "in all things, upon which the refined eyes of the spiritual body will be directed."
In this kingdom, "we will have no more struggle and no debts," because "even this struggle, from which we hope to be freed, belongs to the evils of the present life." Then even our thoughts will be mutually open to one another. We will possess free will because sins will no longer be pleasurable. To conclude, Augustine writes: "This is what we will be endlessly! For what other goal do we have but to reach a kingdom that has no end?"
The final judgment and transition to the Kingdom of God signify the end of the flow of time and the end of history, the onset of unchanging existence in eternity. This is reflected in Augustine’s periodization of biblical history. The first two centuries, as if days, stretch from Adam to Abraham. From Abraham to the coming of Christ follow three centuries. We are now in the sixth century. After this century, God will rest on the seventh day, arranging it so that the seventh day itself will rest as if it were an eternal eighth day, a prefiguration of eternal rest of spirit and body through the resurrection of Christ.
Augustine contrasts the resurrection of Christ as the end of earthly history and the beginning of His eternal existence in the heavenly kingdom with the well-known saying in the Bible, in the "Book of Ecclesiastes," about the cycle of times and events ("What has been will be again... and there is nothing new under the sun"). He writes: "This is foreign to our faith. For Christ once died for our sins; having risen, 'He dies no more: death no longer has dominion over Him.'" Similarly, Augustine refers to Christ's coming to judge the living and the dead as "the final day of divine judgment, that is, the last time."
Augustine’s historical concept had a significant influence subsequently, as his position on the Church as the representative of the Heavenly Kingdom on earth contributed to the development of ideas about theocracy.
Über den Autor
Dieser Artikel wurde von Sykalo Yevhen zusammengestellt und redigiert — Bildungsplattform-Manager mit über 12 Jahren Erfahrung in der Entwicklung methodischer Online-Projekte im Bereich Philosophie und Geisteswissenschaften.
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