Philosophy of The Renaissance and Reformation

Social and Political Views of Thinkers during the Renaissance

The Renaissance era is notable not only for its novel approaches to the problems of humanity and nature but also for its social and political theories. Thinkers such as Niccolò Machiavelli, Jean Bodin, Hugo Grotius, Thomas More, and Tommaso Campanella delved into social issues, challenging medieval perspectives on society. The emergence of new production relations and the rise of the bourgeoisie necessitated the formation of a strong, unified national state capable of overcoming feudal separatism and economic isolation. This period witnessed the first theoretical justifications for the idea of a civil society independent of religious and theological mandates.

The late 15th to early 16th centuries marked a time of profound social crisis, leading to the decline of Italian humanism. The dream of a "golden age" collided with harsh realities, and this period saw the emergence of a particular form of feudal state: absolute monarchy. Absolute monarchy arose during a transitional phase when the old feudal classes disintegrated, and a new bourgeois class formed from the urban middle class, resulting in a temporary equilibrium where neither side could dominate the other.

In views on state formation, two main directions emerged. The French writer and philosopher Étienne de La Boétie opposed absolutism, arguing that kings usurped rights belonging to the people, and he rejected not only monarchy but any governmental structure based on exploitation. In his treatise "Discourse on Voluntary Servitude," La Boétie described the shameful and dire condition of the people and their country under the yoke of tyranny, which contradicted nature, freedom, and equality. Tyranny manifests in various ways—through contract, force, or inheritance—and persists due to the people's habitual submission to oppression. This slavery is voluntary; deceived by illusions, the populace submits to the tyrant, enduring his whims and misdeeds. His ideal state would blend the preservation of civic liberties with the ideas of popular sovereignty.

In contrast, the Italian thinker Niccolò Machiavelli advocated for the necessity of strong monarchical power and absolutism. He viewed the republic as the ideal political structure, embodying popular sovereignty, yet recognized that only a strong secular ruler, unbound by moral traditions and ecclesiastical dictates, could achieve national unity and establish a new state. His political philosophy is grounded in the separation of politics from religion and morality, subordinating the latter to political goals. The aim of his principal work, "The Prince," is to provide practical advice for politicians to achieve tangible results, with the ultimate goal being the national state. He suggests acting for the common good when possible, but having the courage to pursue evil when necessary. Machiavelli articulated one of those enduring political truths that remain unchanged by time or circumstance.

In this work, Machiavelli develops the ideal of a new ruler, who must embody the qualities of both a lion, capable of confronting enemies, and a fox, able to outwit the cunningest adversaries. The wisdom of a ruler lies in adapting their actions to circumstances. Thus, he is rightly regarded as a theorist of political amorality and a founder of revolutionary ethics, having detached politics from Christian morality. While Christian moral norms are admirable, they are impractical under real-life conditions. One must recognize that fate and circumstances are relentless; the only response is courage, power, and assertiveness. Just as in nature, society requires proactive measures to stay ahead of events, necessitating a willingness to be unkind when needed.

The key concern is the ultimate goal. "The end justifies the means." If aimed at the common good, all methods to achieve it are justifiable. Consequently, Machiavelli considered espionage, informants, and political assassination acceptable, as the ultimate goal of such actions—Italian unity—was noble.

Human ideas are driven by self-interest, which serves as their most potent motivator. Its manifestations are varied, yet it is often defined by the desire to protect one’s property: "People will more readily forgive the death of a father than the loss of their property." The egoism inherent in human nature is inescapable, leading to the necessity of a state organization as a higher power capable of guiding humanity towards norms of moral conduct.

Machiavelli raised the issue of the individual’s role in history, rejecting the medieval assertion that fate governs the world and that humanity is powerless to effect change in this harmoniously structured universe. "Fortune" governs half of our actions while allowing us to control the other half. The possession of free will enables active engagement; humanity is the "architect of its own fate." Machiavelli defines the ability to act guided by reason and will as "virtù."

In these new perspectives on social order and the role of the individual in public life, humanistic individualism reached its extreme form—state absolutism. The strong, centralized state became the focal point of social and philosophical theories, viewing the "third estate" as the primary instrument in the struggle against universal papal hegemony. Only a robust, centralized state could overcome internal strife, perpetual warfare, and defend the claims of national sovereignty against Catholic universalism. This was an era when European nations were awakening. The ruler of such a state must become a new type of leader—an absolute sovereign, a despot. He must be guided not by religious principles but by the ability to analyze real facts. A ruler may be cruel, cunning, and ruthless, operating under a morality of power rather than religious morality.

A statesman must bear in mind that it is better to be criticized for his actions, provided he can justify the results, for then he shall always find vindication. When it comes to the salvation of the Fatherland, one must disregard any arguments about what is just or unjust, merciful or cruel, praiseworthy or shameful; all else must be forgotten in the imperative to preserve its existence and freedom. The nation-state is the ultimate goal that employs any means necessary and represents the common good, as Machiavelli posited. The state interest, which governs political reality, is none other than the interest of the homeland.

Thus, Machiavellianism emerges as a socio-political doctrine that first distinguished the examination of political issues from religion and morality, aiming at the formation of nation-states.

Utopianism as a principle of humanitarian realization appeared during the Renaissance, marking the dawn of early ideas of utopian socialism. These concepts are most vividly illustrated in the works of Thomas More, particularly in "Utopia," and Tommaso Campanella’s "City of the Sun."

The Renaissance was an era of primitive capital accumulation, a time when, in the apt words of Thomas More, "sheep devour men." It stands as one of the darkest periods in the development of capitalism. A defining characteristic of humanism in this time was a keen focus on the quest for an ideal societal structure, exemplified by the renowned "Utopia."

The term "utopia" (literally meaning "no place," signifying a non-existent realm) entered the collective consciousness of Europe following the publication of More's book in 1516, which he aptly described as "a most useful and interesting, indeed a golden little book on the best state and the new island of Utopia." Utopia is depicted as an ideal land—a unique federation of 54 cities, each sharing identical governance and structure. The most significant matters are resolved at popular assemblies, which elect the majority of officials and hear their reports. The English humanist painted a picture of an ideal society devoid of private (and even personal) property, where everything belongs to all, and every individual works no more than six hours a day, with no parasites or the power of money to corrupt, as money is nonexistent. Utopians utilize gold and silver for the basest purposes—"they make chamber pots and similar vessels for the foulest needs... from these metals they fashion chains for slaves." The distribution of goods in Utopia follows the principle of need, without rigid limitations, embodying the grand tenet of "from each according to his abilities, to each according to his needs," all without any involvement of a now superfluous state authority. The governance of the Utopians, despite the presence of a king, is a complete democracy, where all offices are elective.

Similar ideas were later articulated by the Italian Tommaso Campanella in his famous work "City of the Sun," written from the confines of a prison. The City of the Sun is ruled by a priest, referred to in their language as "the Sun," whom we might call the Metaphysician. He is aided by three co-rulers—Pon, Sin, and Mor, which can be translated as Power, Wisdom, and Love. Power oversees all matters concerning war and peace, while Wisdom governs the liberal arts, crafts, architecture, sciences, and the relevant officials and scholars, along with educational institutions. The number of officials under Wisdom corresponds to the number of sciences: there is an Astrologer, a Cosmographer, a Geometer, a Historiographer, a Poet, a Logician, a Rhetorician, a Grammarian, a Physician, a Physicist, a Politician, and a Moralist. They possess but one book—"Wisdom"—which succinctly and accessibly outlines all the sciences. Love oversees the continuation of the species, ensuring that the pairing of men and women yields the best offspring, along with the nurturing of infants, healing, and the preparation of medicines, encompassing all agriculture—planting, fields, and harvests, as well as farming and animal husbandry. The third assistant governs those entrusted with food and clothing. In Campanella's state, equality between men and women is established.

Socialist utopias share the conviction that private property is the root cause of all societal ills and the abject poverty of the vast majority of the populace. The authors delineate the fundamental principles of a future society grounded in rational "natural" foundations: — Planned social economy; — Mandatory labor for all, with results distributed according to need; — Participation of all adult members in political governance; — The right to free education for all children, closely tied to vocational training, and more.

However, these utopias retain numerous vestiges of feudal-church ideology. They advocate an excessively stringent morality reminiscent of monasticism, a religious cult, the retention of slavery as a temporary condition, and the idealization of medieval crafts, among other remnants.