Philosophy of Society

Philosophy of History

Historical Memory and the Politics of Memory

The exposition of the philosophy of history necessitates a consideration of the primary role history plays in human life: the formation of historical memory. Historians do more than recount past events, notable biographies, wars, and the rise and fall of nations; they primarily shape the self-identity of a people. Each nation justifies its own identity through its past. Every nation remembers its illustrious figures, significant events, sacred places associated with historical occurrences, and national symbols. Thus, historical memory comprises the following elements:

• Illustrious Figures of the Past: Every nation has individuals whom descendants not only revere with particular respect but also with whom they feel a deep sense of national pride. For example, figures such as Vladimir the Great, Taras Shevchenko, and Ivan Mazepa symbolize Ukrainian identity.
• Significant Events of the Past: Certain events are known not just to professional historians but to every member of the nation. These events hold importance not only as historical facts but as values. For instance, the Baptism of Rus-Ukraine, the Act of Ukraine's Independence, and the Revolution of Dignity are fundamental to Ukrainian self-identification. Significant events include both glorious and tragic ones. For example, the Holodomor of 1933 stands as one of humanity's greatest tragedies and remains a somber memory for Ukrainians, its impact enduring as long as the Ukrainian people persist.
• Sacred Places: There are locations linked to historical events that are sacred to the people due to their significant role in history. For Ukrainians, places such as Kaniv, where Taras Shevchenko is buried, and Maidan Nezalezhnosti, which witnessed the Granite Revolution, the Orange Revolution, and the Revolution of Dignity, hold historical importance.
• Sacred Objects: Each nation's history includes items that have become sacred. For example, the Peresopnytsia Gospel, printed in 1561, is so sacred to Ukrainians that Presidents swear an oath of allegiance on it when taking office. Similarly, Hetman regalia and the Ostroh Bible hold significant value. Sacred items for historical memory are not limited to unique artifacts from the past but can include widely disseminated items, such as Taras Shevchenko's "Kobzar." The sacredness of "Kobzar" is tied not to the uniqueness of individual copies but to its role in awakening the Ukrainian nation.

Historical memory develops independently and spontaneously. No one ever forced anyone to honor Taras Shevchenko, but for Ukrainians, this connection is self-evident. Nonetheless, historical memory is not merely a cultural phenomenon; it is a crucial element of politics. To conquer a nation, it is insufficient merely to defeat its army; one must also alter its historical memory. Although Ukrainians were subjugated by other nations for much of their history, they have not disappeared because no one has managed to obliterate their historical memory.

One of the state's responsibilities is to support the nation's historical memory. Measures undertaken by the state to uphold national memory are known as memory politics. This includes all methods by which the state preserves the nation's historical memory: erecting monuments, naming cities and streets, national holidays, events in educational institutions, and so on.

With the development of information technologies, the threat of information warfare has become increasingly relevant. Its uniqueness lies in the aggressor's attempt to first influence and alter the historical memory of a nation before occupying its territory. Since there is a danger of external artificial influence on historical memory, the state must protect it. In Ukraine, the Ukrainian Institute of National Memory was established in 2014 for this purpose. The history of any nation reveals that every occupier first seeks to alter the nation's historical memory: to proclaim new heroes and elevate new events. Thus, the necessity to protect one's historical memory and honor national values, without which national self-identification would be impossible, is acute. The state faces the challenge of forming an effective memory policy.

However, it is essential not to forget that memory politics requires thoughtful correctness. It should not degenerate into ideology or employ coercive means. The state can foster respect and reverence for national symbols but cannot enforce it. Additionally, when implementing memory policies, it is necessary to remember that alongside the majority population, national minorities reside in every country. Their participation in the historical memory of the majority should also be regulated. National minorities should have the opportunity to cherish and honor their national sanctities while respecting the values upheld by the majority and other national minorities. Achieving a healthy balance is challenging but essential.